सुमन अधिकारी
Monday, 18 April 2011 11:51
पाणिनी संस्कृत माध्यमिक विद्यालय लमजुङ्गका तत्कालीन प्रधानाध्यापक मुक्तिनाथ अधिकारीको हत्याबाट पीडित परिवारजनले पीडकमाथि आवश्यक छानबीन एवं दण्डसजाय तथा न्यायको माग गर्दै हालैमात्र जिल्ला प्रहरी कार्यालय, लमजुङ्गमा तीन जनाका नाममा किटानी जाहेरी दिएका छन्। किटानी जाहेरी दर्ता भएको भोलिपल्टै हत्या आरोपीमध्येका देवेन्द्र पौडेललाई द्वन्द्वपीडित नागरिकलाई सहायता प्रदान गर्न लमजुङमा गठित शान्ति समितिको संयोजक बनाइएको छ। पटकपटक उक्त पद लिन आनाकानी गरेका व्यक्तिले किटानी जाहेरी दर्ता भएकै भोलिपल्ट अनपेक्षित रूपमा शान्ति समितिको नेतृत्व लिएका छन्। यस घटनाबाट द्वन्द्वपीडित नागरिकको न्याय पाउने अधिकार र अभिलाषा एवं शान्ति सम्झौताको मर्म तथा भावनामाथि कुठाराघात भएको छ।
मानव विकास क्रमको नियमित प्रक्रिया भएतापनि द्वन्द्वका नाममा गरिने हिंसाका कारण सर्वसाधारणको मानवअधिकार संकटमा पर्ने गरेकोले विश्वव्यापीरूपमा द्वन्द्वका बखत पालना गर्नुपर्ने युद्ध कानुनहरू प्रतिपादित भएका छन्। द्वन्द्वका समयमा द्वन्द्वसँग असंलग्न निशस्त्र नागरिकको संरक्षण गर्नु द्वन्द्वरत पक्षको पहिलो कर्तव्य हो। द्वन्द्वका नाममा निशस्त्र नागरिकको हत्या गर्नु, पीडा दिनु मानवअधिकारको गम्भीर उल्लंघन र निकृष्ट अपराध हो भन्ने अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय मानवीय कानुनहरूमा उल्लेख छ। नेपालको संविधान, विस्तृत शान्ति सम्झौता एवं अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय मानवीय कानुनहरूमा पनि गैरकानुनी हत्या, बेपत्ता, यातनाजस्ता आधारभूत मानवअधिकार हननबाट पीडित नागरिकले कानुनी उपचार पाउनु पीडितको अधिकार भएको उल्लेख गरिएको छ।
एनेकपा (माओवादी)ले 'जनयुद्ध'का नाममा सञ्चालन गरेको १० वर्षे हिंसात्मक क्रियाकलाप सत्ता कब्जा गर्ने मानसिकताको उपज भएको घामजस्तै छर्लङ्ग छ। सत्ता प्राप्तिका लागि रणनीतिक हतियारका रूपमा शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य तथा विभिन्न अवसर तथा साधनस्रोतमा पहँुचबाट विमुख बनाइएका शोषितपीडित जनताको पीडा, कुण्ठा, आक्रोश र असमानतालाई उपयोग गरिएको थियो। आफ्नो प्रभुत्व लाद्ने ध्येयले सर्वसाधारणलाई माओवादीका हिंसात्मक तथा असंगत क्रियाकलापको समर्थन गर्न बाध्य पार्ने र माओवादीका ती हिंसात्मक क्रियाकलापमा सहमत नहुने र आधारभूत लोकतान्त्रिक मानवीय मूल्यमान्यताका वकालत गर्ने स्वाभिमानी नागरिकको हत्या गरी व्यक्ति व्यक्ति र समाजलाई आतंकित पार्ने, एक्लो महसुस गराउने र हैकम् चलाउने रणनीति माओवादीले लिएको थियो।
सोही रणनीतिअनुरुप नै चन्दा नदिएको, सुराकी गरेको, संस्कृत पढाएको जस्ता कथित आरोपमा २०५८ सालमा माओवादी कार्यकर्ताले कक्षाकोठामा पढाइरहेकै बखत अपहरण गरी मुक्तिनाथ अधिकारीको क्रूर हत्या गरेका थिए। मुक्तिनाथ अधिकारीमाथि लगाइएका चन्दा नदिएको, सुराकी गरेको तथा संस्कृत पढाएको आरोपहरू देखाउने बहानामात्रै हुन्। वास्तविकता भने लमजुङको दुराडाँडामा कसैगरी पनि माओवादी पस्न र आफ्नो प्रभुत्व जमाउन नसकेको सन्दर्भमा एकजना उल्लेख्य व्यक्तिको हत्या गरी दुराडाँडावासीलाई आतंकित तुल्याउने र प्रभुत्व जमाउने रणनीति स्वरूप मुक्तिनाथ अधिकारीको हत्या गरिएको तथ्य माओवादीबाटै सार्वजनिक भइसकेको छ। माओवादीले द्वन्द्वका नाममा देशैभरि हजारौं निशस्त्र नागरिक मार्ने, अपहरण गर्ने, यातना दिने गरेको थियो। उता जनधनको सुरक्षा गर्ने जिम्मेवारी पाएका सुरक्षाकर्मीबाट समेत माओवादीको हिंसात्मक क्रियाकलाप नियन्त्रण गर्ने तथा जीउधनको सुरक्षा गर्ने नाममा भएका हत्या, बेपत्ता तथा यातना दिने कार्यबाट सर्वसाधारण जनता आतंकित भएका थिए।
शान्ति समितिको संयोजक बनाइएका आरोपित पौडेलले द्वन्द्वका बेलामा भएका घटना अब लेखाजोखा हुँदैन भन्ने प्रतिक्रिया दिएका छन्। साथै आफ्नो अपराध ढाकछोप गर्न उनले शान्ति सम्झौताले द्वन्द्वका घाउ बिर्साइसकेको भन्ने जस्तो पीडितहरूको पीडाको संवेदनशीलता र न्याय पाउने अधिकारलाई अपमान गर्ने गैरजिम्मेवार र सतही टिप्पणी गरेका छन्। मुक्तिनाथ हत्याको जिम्मा माओवादीले लिइसकेको र सो हत्या गर्नु गल्ती भएको पनि स्वीकारगरिसकेको सन्दर्भमा हत्यामा संलग्न कार्यकर्तालाई सार्वजनिक गरी कानुन समक्ष बुझाउनु माओवादीको जिम्मेवारी हो। तर ती कार्यकतालाई सार्वजनिक गरी कानुन समक्ष बुझाउनका लागि हालसम्म माओवादीले कुनै अग्रसरता देखाएको छैन। बरु उक्त जाहेरी परेलगत्तै माओवादीले द्वन्द्वका समयका गराएका हत्याहिंसाका घटनामा संलग्न कार्यकर्तामाथि लागेका मुद्दालाई झुटो भन्दै ती मुद्दाहरू फिर्ता गर्नुपर्ने निर्णय लिएको छ। त्यसो भए के ती निशस्त्र नागरिकका हत्या, बेपत्ता तथा यातना पनि झुटै थिए त?
माओवादीले द्वन्द्वका क्रममा आफ्ना कार्यकताको मानवअधिकार हनन गर्दै ज्यादती गर्ने सुरक्षाकर्मीमाथि आवश्यक छानवीन र दण्डसजायको माग गर्ने गरेको छ। मानवअधिकार हननकर्ताविरुद्ध कानुनी दण्डसजायको माग गर्नु स्वागतयोग्य कदम हो। तर माओवादीले आफ्नातर्फबाट भएका मानवअधिकार हननका घटनालाई पनि सोही कसीमा राख्नुको साटो क्रान्तिको पगरी गुथाएरं उन्मुक्ति दिनुपर्ने भनेर दोहोरो मापदण्डको वकालत गर्न खोजिरहेको छ। पीडकले उन्मुक्ति पाएर होइन बरु सबै पीडितले न्याय पाएरमात्र शान्ति प्रक्रिया सफल हुने तथ्य माओवादीले बुझ्नुपर्छ। मानवअधिकार हननको आरोप लागेका कुनै पनि पक्षका व्यक्तिमाथि आवश्यक छानबिन, दण्डसजाय गरी दण्डहीनताको अन्त्य गर्नुपर्छ।
द्वन्द्वकै समयदेखि हत्या, हिंसा तथा आतंक तत्काल रोक्न र पीडित भएका सामान्य निशस्त्र नागरिकको न्याय तथा शान्तिका लागि समग्र पीडितजनले निरन्तर सशक्त आवाज उठाउँदै आएका छौँ। शान्ति प्रक्रिया तथा लोकतन्त्र बहाली भएपछि राज्यले न्याय, शान्ति तथा आत्मसम्मानको पुनर्बहाली गर्नेछ। द्वन्द्वका घाउमा केही मात्रामा भए पनि मलम लगाउनेछ भन्ने आशा हामीमा रहेका थियौँ। शान्ति प्रक्रियाले चार वर्ष पार गरिसक्तासमेत निशस्त्र द्वन्द्वपीडित नागरिकले न्यायका साटो ओठे प्रतिबद्वतामात्र पाएका छौँ। द्वन्द्वको प्रत्यक्ष मार नखेपेका देशका जिम्मेवार राजनीतिक नेतृत्व तथा सरकारले शान्ति र संविधानको रटान लगाउँदै सत्ताकै लागि लुछाचुँडी गरिरहने तर द्वन्द्वपीडितका पीडाको संवेदनशीलता महसुस गरी जवाफदेही बन्नुको साटो द्वन्द्वपीडितका समस्यालाई बोझकारूपमा लिने गरेका छन्।
हातमा हतियार बोकेकै भरमा उन्मत्त भएर द्वन्द्वको खोल ओढेर निशस्त्र नागरिकमाथि हत्या, हिंसा आतंक थुपार्ने विद्रोही वा सुरक्षाकर्मीविरुद्ध न्यायका खोजीमा राज्यको विद्यमान कानुनी प्रक्रिया अपनाउनु पीडितको अधिकारै हो। यस्ता कानुनी प्रक्रियाले शान्ति सम्झौतालाई सफततापूर्वक सम्पन्न गर्न अझै बल पुर्यासउँछ। द्वन्द्वका क्रममा मानवअधिकार हननका धेरै घटना भएकोले तिनको विशेष प्राथमिकता दिएर छानवीन गर्न र पीडितलाई न्याय प्रदान गर्न सत्य निरुपण आयोग, बेपत्ता छानवीन आयोगजस्ता अल्पकालीन संरचना बनाउने प्रचलन विश्वभरै छ।
सक्रमणकालीन न्यायका सिद्धान्तबमोजिम गम्भीर मानवअधिकार हननका घटनामा छानबिन गर्न ती आयोग गठन गर्ने प्रावधान शान्ति सम्झौता र अन्तरिम संविधानमा राखिए पनि हालसम्म त्यस्ता आयोग गठन हुनसकेका छैनन्। ती आयोग गठन गर्नुको अर्थ राज्यका विद्यमान न्याय प्रदान गर्ने संरचना तथा पक्रियालाई विस्थापन तथा स्थगन गर्ने नभई न्याय प्रक्रियालाई झन् सहज तुल्याउनु हो। द्वन्द्वबाट गुज्रिएका मुलुकमा गम्भीर मानवअधिकार हनन तथा जघन्य अपराधका घटनामा छानबिन भइरहेका सुनिएको छ। जुनसुकै वाद, रंग वा क्रान्तिका नाममा राज्य वा गैरराज्य कुनै पनि पक्षद्वारा गरिएका निशस्त्र नागरिकका हत्या, बेपत्ता, यातना गम्भीर मानवअधिकारका हनन नै हुन्। यस्ता घटनामा पीडित नागरिकको न्याय पाउने अधिकार सदैव सुरक्षित रहन्छ।
नेपालको सर्वोच्च अदालतले मौलिक हककै अंगका रूपमा उपचारात्मक संयन्त्रको दृष्टिकोणले गरिने कानुनी अनुसन्धान, अभियोजन र उपचारको विषय दोस्रो प्राथमिकताको विषय हुनसक्तैन र अदालतको क्षेत्राधिकारबाहिरको विषय पनि हुनसक्तैन भन्ने फैसला गरेको छ। त्यसो त अहिले पनि द्वन्द्वका नाममा मारिएका मैना सुनार, अर्जुन लामा, गुरु लुइँटेललगायतका घटनाका सम्वन्धमा अदालतमा मुद्दा चलिरहेका छन्। तर छानबिनको जिम्मवारी पाएको जिम्मेवार निकाय नेपाल प्रहरीले अनुसन्धानको आवश्यक प्रक्रिया अगाडि बढाइरहेको छैन।
व्यक्ति हत्यामा संलग्न भएकाहरूलाई चोख्याउँदै, पुरस्कृत गर्दै र द्वन्द्वपीडित नागरिकलाई न्याय प्रदान गर्न गठित शान्ति समितिको जिम्मा दिदैँ जाने होे भने पीडितजनको न्याय आकाशको फल हुने निश्चित छ। जसले बढी ज्यादती गर्छ उसैलाई पुरस्कृत गर्दै जाने तर मलिन आवाज भएका पीडित नागरिकको कुनै सुनुवाइ नहुने प्रवृत्तिले पीडितको धैर्यको बाँध टुट्नेछ। विभिन्न कार्यक्रम तथा समितिमा माओवादी तथा सरकार एवं सुरक्षा निकायका तर्फबाट प्रतिनिधित्व गराउँदा कमसेकम गम्भीर मानवअधिकार हननको आरोप लागेका व्यक्तिलाई पठाउनु हुँदैन।
तसर्थ राजनीतिक नेतृत्व, सरकारी निकाय तथा नागरिक समाजले बिना कुनै आग्रहपूर्वाग्रह गम्भीर मानवअधिकार हननकर्तामाथि आवश्यक छानबिन र दण्डसजायका लागि पहल गर्नु आवश्यक छ। यसैगरी, पीडितजनले न्याय पाउन् भन्नेमा सचेत र जिम्मेवार भएर देशलाई कानुनी शासन, न्याय र शान्तिको गोरेटोमा डोर्या उन अग्रसर हुनुपर्छ।
http://www.nagariknews.com/opinions/98-opinion/25556-2011-04-18-06-11-33.html
Tuesday, April 19, 2011
Tuesday, March 22, 2011
Libya: International Peace Bureau condemns military strikes and urges political negotiations to protect the civilian population
21 March 2011. A new historical era opened three months ago with the popular uprisings in Tunisia and then Egypt, the first of the ‘Arab spring’ season. These rebellions brought hope to millions and youthful energy to societies suffering decades of repression, injustice, inequality, especially gender inequality, and increasing economic hardship. The Libyan revolt was inspired by these largely nonviolent victories, but, as the world has witnessed with dismay, has rapidly become militarized and is now embroiled in a full-scale civil war.
NO MORE ARMED INTERVENTIONS
The western powers’ fateful decision to push through the UN Security Council a resolution to authorize military strikes and a no-fly zone has transformed the situation into one reminiscent of the Iraq crisis of 2003. While supporting the objective of protecting the civilian population, in Benghazi and elsewhere, IPB condemns yet more armed attacks by western powers on yet another Muslim country. Have these same powers learned nothing from their disastrous failures over the last 10 years? It is clear that non-military methods have not been utterly exhausted. Were all economic sanctions imposed and enforced? Was massive electronic jamming put into operation? Were all oil and gas sales cancelled? – and will we ever be told?
WHEN WILL WE EVER LEARN?
Western media fascination with the minutiae of battle tends to obscure historical memory, without which any clear assessment is impossible. Have we all forgotten who sold arms to, and struck energy deals with, Col. Gaddafi in the first place? Do the phrases ‘no-fly zone’ and ‘air strikes’ not bring back painful memories of the slide into disastrous occupations in Iraq and Afghanistan?
ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES
There is no lack of alternative courses of action. In IPB’s view, the most urgent task, and the most effective way to carry out the UN-mandated ‘Responsibility to Protect’ the civilian population, is to engage immediately both the Gaddafi regime and the rebels in serious negotiations. These should focus, first on a genuine and multi-lateral ceasefire, and then on the foundations of a political settlement based on participatory democracy. The UN already has a special representative in place in Tripoli. Cynical or not, Gaddafi has made a ceasefire gesture – which could be used as a starting point. Western states, especially the US and the former colonial powers, should keep out. The UN Secretary-General and a panel of highly respected figures from the Muslim world should be invited to take part in whatever talks can be arranged. An offer to call off the air strikes could be used as a confidence-building measure. In the medium-term, consideration should be given to a UN-authorised peacekeeping presence, preferably not composed of western military forces, with a classical peace-keeping (not peace-enforcement) mandate. Why is it that investment in mediation, diplomacy, trust-building and similar efforts is always a tiny fraction of the money spent on armed intervention?
UNLOCKING CREATIVITY
Arab peoples have shown that they have the courage to break away from past habits and have demonstrated impressive discipline and dignity in confronting their oppressors. The western world should now respond by finding the courage to break with its own past habits, and to apply the enormous creativity of its own societies in the search for new ways of resolving conflicts. Success in Libya - or indeed elsewhere in the region - would offer tremendous inspiration to peoples locked in deadly conflict in other regions.
REVERSING COURSE
It is still not too late for those leading this latest military gamble to pull out of the quagmire that looms ahead. We urge the world to mobilise now against war and foreign intervention, and in favour of negotiated solutions.
What is done in the coming days and weeks will determine the possibilities for a long-term settlement. Foreign bombing only threatens a wider conflagration with unpredictable consequences.
WIDER ASPECTS
There are all kinds of wider considerations to be explored, and important lessons that need to be assimilated. In particular, that the five permanent members of the Security Council cannot continue to police the world as if we were still in 1945; and that it is time for a global outcry against the massive expenditure devoted to the military system ($1,500 billion per annum), and in particular the international arms trade, with its accompanying corruption and double standards.
The International Peace Bureau is clear on its own priorities. We need to disarm in order to develop. The basic needs of the population must be catered for as the absolute priority, not as a by-product of ‘national security’. We appeal to the arms-producing countries and industries to urgently start converting military research and production to civilian purposes. The world will never achieve the Millennium Development Goals if it fails to abandon the military-dominated way of thinking and action. We have learned in recent years that democracy cannot be imposed, and that regime change is only a matter for the population itself. The time is now ripe to assist the people in the Middle East/North Africa region in building societies based on the vision of a culture of peace, as hoped for by peoples everywhere. Such a programme was agreed by the UN in the preparation of the International Year for a Culture of Peace in 2000 and the following Decade on a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence that has just come to an end, and that must now be energetically renewed.
The International Peace Bureau is dedicated to the vision of a World Without War. We are a Nobel Peace Laureate (1910), and over the years 13 of our officers have been recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize. Our 320 member organisations in 70 countries, and individual members, form a global network which brings together expertise and campaigning experience in a common cause. Our main programme centres on Sustainable Disarmament for Sustainable Development. We welcome your participation.
Current project: Global Day of Action on Military Spending, April 12, 2011: http://demilitarize.org------------------------------------------------
Colin Archer, Secretary-General
International Peace Bureau
41 rue de Zurich, 1201 Geneva, Switzerland.
Tel: +41-22-731-6429, Fax: 738-9419
secgen@ipb.org
www.ipb.org
NO MORE ARMED INTERVENTIONS
The western powers’ fateful decision to push through the UN Security Council a resolution to authorize military strikes and a no-fly zone has transformed the situation into one reminiscent of the Iraq crisis of 2003. While supporting the objective of protecting the civilian population, in Benghazi and elsewhere, IPB condemns yet more armed attacks by western powers on yet another Muslim country. Have these same powers learned nothing from their disastrous failures over the last 10 years? It is clear that non-military methods have not been utterly exhausted. Were all economic sanctions imposed and enforced? Was massive electronic jamming put into operation? Were all oil and gas sales cancelled? – and will we ever be told?
WHEN WILL WE EVER LEARN?
Western media fascination with the minutiae of battle tends to obscure historical memory, without which any clear assessment is impossible. Have we all forgotten who sold arms to, and struck energy deals with, Col. Gaddafi in the first place? Do the phrases ‘no-fly zone’ and ‘air strikes’ not bring back painful memories of the slide into disastrous occupations in Iraq and Afghanistan?
ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES
There is no lack of alternative courses of action. In IPB’s view, the most urgent task, and the most effective way to carry out the UN-mandated ‘Responsibility to Protect’ the civilian population, is to engage immediately both the Gaddafi regime and the rebels in serious negotiations. These should focus, first on a genuine and multi-lateral ceasefire, and then on the foundations of a political settlement based on participatory democracy. The UN already has a special representative in place in Tripoli. Cynical or not, Gaddafi has made a ceasefire gesture – which could be used as a starting point. Western states, especially the US and the former colonial powers, should keep out. The UN Secretary-General and a panel of highly respected figures from the Muslim world should be invited to take part in whatever talks can be arranged. An offer to call off the air strikes could be used as a confidence-building measure. In the medium-term, consideration should be given to a UN-authorised peacekeeping presence, preferably not composed of western military forces, with a classical peace-keeping (not peace-enforcement) mandate. Why is it that investment in mediation, diplomacy, trust-building and similar efforts is always a tiny fraction of the money spent on armed intervention?
UNLOCKING CREATIVITY
Arab peoples have shown that they have the courage to break away from past habits and have demonstrated impressive discipline and dignity in confronting their oppressors. The western world should now respond by finding the courage to break with its own past habits, and to apply the enormous creativity of its own societies in the search for new ways of resolving conflicts. Success in Libya - or indeed elsewhere in the region - would offer tremendous inspiration to peoples locked in deadly conflict in other regions.
REVERSING COURSE
It is still not too late for those leading this latest military gamble to pull out of the quagmire that looms ahead. We urge the world to mobilise now against war and foreign intervention, and in favour of negotiated solutions.
What is done in the coming days and weeks will determine the possibilities for a long-term settlement. Foreign bombing only threatens a wider conflagration with unpredictable consequences.
WIDER ASPECTS
There are all kinds of wider considerations to be explored, and important lessons that need to be assimilated. In particular, that the five permanent members of the Security Council cannot continue to police the world as if we were still in 1945; and that it is time for a global outcry against the massive expenditure devoted to the military system ($1,500 billion per annum), and in particular the international arms trade, with its accompanying corruption and double standards.
The International Peace Bureau is clear on its own priorities. We need to disarm in order to develop. The basic needs of the population must be catered for as the absolute priority, not as a by-product of ‘national security’. We appeal to the arms-producing countries and industries to urgently start converting military research and production to civilian purposes. The world will never achieve the Millennium Development Goals if it fails to abandon the military-dominated way of thinking and action. We have learned in recent years that democracy cannot be imposed, and that regime change is only a matter for the population itself. The time is now ripe to assist the people in the Middle East/North Africa region in building societies based on the vision of a culture of peace, as hoped for by peoples everywhere. Such a programme was agreed by the UN in the preparation of the International Year for a Culture of Peace in 2000 and the following Decade on a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence that has just come to an end, and that must now be energetically renewed.
The International Peace Bureau is dedicated to the vision of a World Without War. We are a Nobel Peace Laureate (1910), and over the years 13 of our officers have been recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize. Our 320 member organisations in 70 countries, and individual members, form a global network which brings together expertise and campaigning experience in a common cause. Our main programme centres on Sustainable Disarmament for Sustainable Development. We welcome your participation.
Current project: Global Day of Action on Military Spending, April 12, 2011: http://demilitarize.org------------------------------------------------
Colin Archer, Secretary-General
International Peace Bureau
41 rue de Zurich, 1201 Geneva, Switzerland.
Tel: +41-22-731-6429, Fax: 738-9419
secgen@ipb.org
www.ipb.org
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